The government denies that there is any ethnic group called “Rohingya.” This group is often referred to as “Bengali,” a group of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, despite the fact that the Rohingya people have been living in Rakhine for generations.
The government of Myanmar created three categories of citizens under the 1982 Citizenship Law. These were full, associate, and naturalised. They then issued “scrutiny card” in different colours. Full citizens received pink cards, associate citizens were given blue and naturalised citizens were given green. The majority of Rohingyas did not receive a card. They are referred to as “Myanmar Residents”, meaning neither citizen nor alien.
The Rohingyas received “white cards” in 1993 that allowed them to vote. These cards were removed due to protests from Buddhist monks and nationalists . The Rohingyas were unable to vote in the historic 2015 general elections that led to Aung San Suu Kyi’s party coming to power.
All major political parties, including the Election Commission, have banned candidates and even MPs from other Muslim communities, such as Rohingya, from taking part in the elections.
The main reason for the discrimination and violence towards Rohingyas is a false fear of Muslim strength generated by Buddhist nationalists, led by radical monks of the 969 Movement and the Ma Ba Tha Organisation for the Protection of Race and Religion.
Many Buddhist monks in Myanmar are active in political activism. Ashin Wirathu is the charismatic leader behind some of these radical groups, who are often referred to as ” Burmese Bin Laden“. He openly spreads anti-Muslim rumours and hate.
Buddhist monk Ashin Wirathu (leader of the 969 Movement) at a convention held in Sri Lanka, 2014 Dinuka Liyanawatte/Reuters
The celebrated transition to democratic rule in Myanmar has increased the pressure of populists and majoritarian autocracy. Ironically, this has silenced human rights activists who were previously very vocal.
Bangladesh’s defensive position
The government of Bangladesh and the host communities on the border have always faced a difficult dilemma when dealing with the Rohingya refugee waves. The government recently proposed to relocate the Rohingyas to a flood-prone island off of the Bangladesh coast. Although there was a strong desire to assist the Rohingya refugees for humanitarian and religious reasons, as I saw during my fieldwork in Bangladesh, the government is now on the defensive.
The newly arrived Rohingya refugees have set up camp at Ukhiya in Cox’s Bazar. Ashraful Azad, Author provided
In 1978, a major influx of Rohingyas occurred. Bangladesh hosted around 222,000 refugees, who were mostly repatriated shortly after. In 1991-92, another large flow of about 250.000 refugees entered Bangladesh. About 32,000 of them are still living at two camps registered in Cox’s Bazar District in Chittagong.
Many Rohingyas – including those who were repatriated – continued to enter Bangladesh through the porous border. They are not registered and live in unregistered camp and with local communities close to the border. Some have been able to integrate into South-Eastern Bangladesh because of the similarity between religion and language.
The government of Bangladesh was more aggressive in its response to new arrivals after the communal riot that occurred in Rakhine State in 2012. border guards denied entry to the refugees and sent them back to Myanmar. The government of Bangladesh took a tougher stance after the fresh arrivals in 2012, following a href=”http://www.equalrightstrust.org/ertdocumentbank/The%2520Equal%2520Rights%2520Trust%2520-%2520Burning%2520Homes%2520Sinking%2520Lives.pdf”>a communal riot/a>. Border guards refused entry to the refugees and sent them back to Myanmar.
Since October last year, the government has refused any asylum to refugees. Sheikh Hasina , the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, told that “we cannot open our doors for people who come in waves”.
Political pressure
the increasing economic growth in Bangladesh can explain the government’s position. This is because of less reliance on international aid. The government has been able to ignore international diplomatic pressure. Bangladesh is not the only country trying to avoid its responsibility in the face of global refugee crises.
Despite this, many refugees manage to reach Bangladeshi soil. According to UN estimates, 66,000 new refugees have sought shelter in Bangladesh over the past few months. According to 2015 estimates, the unregistered Rohingyas living in Bangladesh were estimated at between 200,000 and 500,000.
The recent government actions are following the direction of a Strategy Paper that was designed in 2014. According to its recommendations, the Bangladeshi government conducted the first-ever census in order to count the “undocumented Myanmar citizens” living in Bangladesh. The results of the census have not yet been released.
diplomatic relations between Myanmar and Bangladesh also dictate Rohingya policies. Bangladesh’s current government has demonstrated its willingness to improve its relations with Myanmar. Dhaka is willing to engage in other areas, such as business, while it waits for the eventual repatriation of Rohingyas back to Myanmar.
Bangladesh does not adhere to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its Protocol of 1967, nor do they have any legislation that deals with refugees.